Minor dalit girl ‘raped’, tied to a tree, 2 arrested – The Times Of India
A Dalit community’s appeal against boycott – The Hindu
Dalit couple ostracised for raising question at gram sabha – The Hindu
Sustainable Development Goals must factor in caste: Dalits – The Hindu
Mirroring struggles of a Dalit IAS officer – The Hindu
Going Beyond Harassment – EPW
Prime Time: Understanding Dalit politics in Uttar Pradesh
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The Times Of India
Minor dalit girl ‘raped’, tied to a tree, 2 arrested
TNN | Sep 28, 2015, 12.43 PM IST
BALASORE: Two persons, including a minor, were arrested in Gorumahisani area of Mayurbhanj district on Sunday for allegedly raping a minor dalit girl. They reportedly raped her in an isolated place and tied her to a tree before fleeing the place.
The accused – Bikas Mondal, 20, and his 17-year-old associate, both from Guhaldangari village – were caught by police when they were trying to escape from their village.
Police sources said the incident, which took place on Wednesday, came to light on Saturday after the 15-year-old rape survivor lodged a police complaint.
The officer in-charge of Gorumahisani police station, Jaynarayan Khandai, said a case was registered after the girl filed a complaint. “The girl and the accused persons have been medically examined. While Mondal was forwarded to a local court in Rairangpur, which remanded him in judicial custody, the minor boy will be produced before the juvenile justice board on Monday,” he added. The medical test reports are awaited.
According to the complaint, Mondal saw the girl, who hails from Julana village, near a Ganesh Puja pandal on September 17 and approached her with a marriage proposal. “On September 23, he came with his friend and lured her to a place to have a talk. When she reached there, the two took her to the nearby jungle where they raped her,” the FIR stated.
Citing the complaint, police said the two had tied her to a tree after committing the crime. The girl was rescued by leaf pluckers the next day. Though the village committee met twice to resolve the matter, the meetings were in vain as the accused did not cooperate.
A Dalit community’s appeal against boycott
The Scheduled Castes community of Sigaranahalli in Holenarasipur taluk have appealed to the district administration to help them take-up income-generating activities. For, they say they have been subjected to social boycott in the village following differences with the ‘upper castes’ over entering the temple and community hall.
The Dalits submitted a memorandum to the district administration stating that the ‘upper caste’ people had stopped calling them to work in their fields. Besides, Dalits could not continue with agricultural activities in their fields as the ‘upper caste’ people had refused to provide implements on rent. “Some of the youths in the Dalit colony visit Hassan every day in search of jobs. They have not been able to find jobs as they are not well-versed in any work other than agriculture,” said Raja, a Dalit youth.
Recently, the village was in the news after ‘upper caste’ people imposed penalty on a women’s self-help group for allowing four Dalit women to enter Sri Basaveshwara temple. Following this, the women filed a case against four ‘upper caste’ people under the SC,ST Atrocities (Prohibition) Act. The district administration succeeded in allowing Dalits to enter the temple amidst protest by the ‘upper caste’ on September 8. However, since then, the ‘upper caste’ people have kept themselves away from the temple. So far, neither the priest nor any ‘upper caste’ member has visited the temple.
The district administration has resolved to hold a meeting with village residents on Monday.
N.R. Purushotham, district social welfare officer, on Sunday, said, “Social Welfare Minister H. Anjaneya has instructed the department to hold a meeting with residents and list their requirements. We will submit a report to the department after the meeting.”
Dalit couple ostracised for raising question at gram sabha
For seven months, the couple have been living in an unsafe place
When the Dalit couple raised a question at the gram sabha meeting, they would never have imagined that they would be ostracised by the community.
Narrating their woes at a public hearing organised here by an NGO, Evidence, the couple – Lakshmi (35) and Paramasivam – from Kattunayakanpatti in Theni district, said that the police and the district administration had not taken any tangible action to date.
The police registered a case against the accused seven months ago, but had not arrested them.
Mr. Paramasivam raised a question at the gram sabha meeting held on January 26 on the manner in which expenses were made by the organisers for a local temple festival.
Angered by this, Ramesh Babu, who claimed to be close to district-level All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam functionaries, threatened the couple and also ordered the others to keep them away from their hamlet, they said. The couple lodged a complaint with Veerapandi police.
After 23 days, the police booked a case against Ramesh Babu and others under different sections of the Indian Penal Code and the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. For the last seven months, the couple, along with their children, had been living in an unsafe place near a small pond outside the village. “Even for drawing potable water, I have to trek for two km. To buy grocery, I have to go to Venkatachalapuram, which is about three km away,” Ms. Lakshmi said.
Like the couple, about 20 victims of caste oppression narrated their woes to the panellists who comprised P. Shanmugam, State president of Tamil Nadu Malaivaazh Makkal Sangam, advocates Nirmala Rani and Ezhil Caroline and journalists Jayarani and Sugitha.
Executive director of Evidence A. Kathir, who moderated the hearing, said that it was an initiative to create an awareness among the deprived class, and such public hearings might help in preventing atrocities.
Sustainable Development Goals must factor in caste: Dalits
Dalit organisations protested at the U.N. headquarters on Saturday demanding the recognition of caste-based exclusion as a discriminatory factor in development in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG).
Organised by the Asia Dalit Right Forum (ADRF), a network of organisations from across South Asia, the protesters said: “For the SDGs to be transformational to 260 million Dalits across the world, it is essential that the goals, targets and the outcome document take into account the current realities in many parts of the world and include descent [caste]-based discrimination.” “Dalits have been victims of discrimination and hate crimes for centuries and have been considered as impure and polluting. Significance of caste in social exclusion is indeed recognised by Post 2015 development agenda (working committee) but seems to have failed to make into the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) or Targets,” an ADRF statement said.
Mirroring struggles of a Dalit IAS officer
P Sivakami’s novel has incidents that a Dalit officer may face in her career
The story of Neela, a fictional IAS officer, may find resonance among civil servants, especially Dalits, who feel they are under undue pressure.
At a time when the State is concerned about the plight of officers such as DSP Vishupriya, whose recent suicide is suspected to be under pressure from various quarters , Unmaikku Munnum Pinnum , a work of fiction, seeks to unmask the attitude of the administration towards Dalit officers.
However, Neela, the protagonist in former IAS officer P. Sivakami’s novel, shows steely determination in the face of humiliation, discrimination and agonising moments.
Ms. Sivakami, who took voluntary retirement some years ago to take the plunge into politics, seems to contend that such problems are faced more by Dalits, as other employees are protected by their caste status.
The novel also gives insights into the functioning of civil servants and how IAS and IPS officers tend to identify themselves with one party or other to reap personal benefits.
Pressure from politicians
“More often than not, officials succumb to pressure from politicians; and caste affinity seems to decide their conduct while in service. They are ready to do anything to please their political masters,” says Ms. Sivakami.
In the case of Vishnupriya, she says, her superiors chose to view her investigation into a murder case from a caste angle only because she was a Dalit, even though she commanded credibility as an officer.
“Would it have happened to an officer from another caste,” asks Ms. Sivakami, whose heroine Neela is slapped with memo after memo in the novel, and is put on compulsory wait for helping the oppressed section of society.
The novel was serialised in Tamil magazine ‘Pudhiya Kodangi’ when Ms Sivakami was in service.
It has many incidents that seem close to real life events that a Dalit officer may face in her career. For instance, Neela is punished for overzealousness in her duties as secretary of the Adi Dravidar Welfare Department.
She is pressurised by the administration to apologise for her activities, and even a senior Dalit officer on extension is roped in to persuade her to “abide by the rules.” But, she refuses to give it in writing regretting her social activities.
Neela is portrayed as a sportsperson, well-read and with an independent mind. Her aim to become a public servant is driven by the desire to serve her people and not by the privileges that civil service offers.
Going Beyond Harassment
Women Journalists in Uttar Pradesh
Vol – L No. 39, September 26, 2015 | Khabar Lahariya
The police may have arrested the man who harassed journalists of Khabar Lahariya for over three months but that is only half the battle won. In this article, the journalists share the everyday challenges in a deeply misogynist and casteist society. It is easier to crack one case than to combat the widely-held bias against them as reporters, who happen to be women.
Khabar Lahariya (firstname.lastname@example.org) is a weekly newspaper in Bundeli and Hindi brought out by a collective of women based in rural Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.
In September 2015, the police arrested the man who harassed five members of the Khabar Lahariya (KL) team over phone for the last nine months. This incident was by no means an isolated case, either in our work or that of other women journalists like us. Whether we are reporting, travelling or asking questions to those in authority, facing harassment is an everyday reality for us.
Who Says We Are Reporters?
The women journalists of KL have been lauded, awarded and written about ad nauseam over the years. Yes, we report, write, produce and distribute our own newspaper. But in the patriarchal and casteist society in which we live and work, are we really seen as reporters? On the contrary we are seen primarily as women, who, it is assumed, lack the requisite skills and qualifications to be a journalist.
For instance, when we cover crime stories we are often told by everyone, from our journalist colleagues to the administration, that women should not be chasing dacoits through the forest; that it is not our area of expertise.
In 2012, when the notorious dacoit Balkhadiya’s gang was at large, the police would often launch search parties into the local forests. Balkhadiya’s gang had terrorised a village in the remote, hilly region of Fatehganj. In one particular incident, the gang beat up some villagers, and broke a police memorial in this area.
We travelled 6 km by foot to reach this village in order to report on it. The local male journalists and the police were already there. When they saw us they asked, “How have you come alone so far? You should have left word at the Banda police station. What if something were to happen to you?” We were made to feel extremely out of place and intimidated by them.
It was not surprising to hear this. What was deeply offensive was the fact that we often came this far by ourselves, to report on issues not considered worthwhile by any of the male reporters.
We were told that the police were going to comb the forests and hills around the area looking for Balkhadiya’s gang. We were preparing to follow the police, when they turned around and said, “It seems like you have no weapons. What will happen if there is an encounter? How will you defend yourselves?” The question seemed to preclude the male journalists who were shadowing the police. After having said this, the police did not allow us to accompany the group.
Cornered as Dalit Women
During the 2014 general elections, Shivdevi, one of our reporters, was distributing our newspaper in Pailani village in Banda. There, she encountered a group of Brahmin men who asked her, as a Dalit, who she was going to vote for. It would not bode well for her and other Dalits if Mayawati came to power, they said. They also warned her not to step into that village again.
When she refused to tell them who she was supporting, they said that they would not let her leave the village. All drivers of transport out of Pailani were instructed not to give the KL reporter a seat. Shivdevi was terrified; her heart was in her mouth. Without a word, she began walking out of the village. She walked 10 km until she found an auto that was willing to give her a ride home.
People threatened or offended by KL’s Dalit reporters writing or distributing stories have chased us out of villages with their pistols. That has not affected us adversely. But in 13 years, what has affected us is the abysmal level of awareness around women’s presence and ability to work as journalists in small towns.
Finding Common Cause
In 2013, we did a study on the presence and experiences of other women reporting from a few districts of North India. The findings were similar to what we have been facing in the field. Despite working for long years as reporters covering all beats possible, they were still seen first as women, and that identity could not be separated from their identity as journalists. One reporter from a district in Uttar Pradesh (UP) echoed our sentiments when she described her challenges in approaching male members of government departments.
If I go and see any official, I am first seen as a woman. I feel this when I go—I see other journalists hanging around, chatting with them. If I told an official I wanted to speak to him in private, he’d get scared—and refuse! This has happened with me. So I say, why are you looking at me as a woman? I’m a reporter—why can’t you see me as that? I’m neither a man nor a woman. If I can look you in the eye, why can’t you? If I need to speak to them about a story, is it necessary to have to do that in front of other reporters? But when they refuse, they make you feel like a woman, you begin to feel guilty for asking. If you ask for their number, they’ll say, no, no, don’t call me at home—what if my wife picks up? Now, if your conscience is clear, why should you be worried if anyone calls you anywhere? I’m Shehnaz, the editor of a weekly paper. But no, when I enter the gate—they look at you as a woman, and think, how is she looking, she’s dressed up well today. However I present myself, I will always be seen as a woman and nothing else.
We are often told by the police and administration to stick to writing about “women’s issues.” This shows that even if you are the most prolific journalist writing on rural Bundelkhand, at the end of the day you will always be a woman. Your identity as a reporter will always be secondary to that.
The Nishu Case
This is the context in which we work, and in which a recent case of harassment that caught the media’s attention needs to be located. From January 2015, a man named Nishu called five members of the KL team incessantly, over a three-month period.
The story began on a cold afternoon in the beginning of January, when Nishu called while we were sending our newspaper to press. He asked to be given the phone number of one of our colleagues. When we refused, he said he would harass each member of the team till he got it.
The way in which he harassed and traumatised each of the five of us varied; what did not, was the fact that he knew a lot about our lives, our movements and our work. He would send us sexually explicit messages when we would not answer his call. He would threaten to have us abducted, killed and raped. The calls became so pervasive that we could barely work, think or sleep. They came at all hours of the day or night, wherever we were. When we showed anger, he began getting our SIM cards locked, not once, but over and over again. Not just ours, but our partners’ too.
We called the much-publicised 1090 Women’s Helpline a few times, but received no indication that they were dealing with the case. The calls never stopped. The harassment and feeling of being watched had put us into a state of paralysis, and also despair. We complained to the Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Police (Banda), who spoke to Nishu on the phone, and promised that the offender would be caught in 24 hours. When nothing happened, we filed first information reports (FIRs) in Chitrakoot and Banda towards the end of January.
The process of filing complaints entailed repetitive performances in the presence of the full Banda police force about the phone harassment—what Nishu said, how he said it. The police also asked why we allowed it to upset our lives in this way, why we did not change our numbers, switch off our phones or let male family members deal with the caller. After many rounds of taunts and jeers, the police finally recorded charges under sections 506, 507 and 66A of the Indian Penal Code (IPC).
The calls did not stop after the FIRs were lodged. He began harassing even a few members of the women’s group whose help we had sought. When the case was taken up by the Crime Branch in Banda, we were called yet again to provide testimony, since the investigating officer claimed the FIR was “weak” and would not stand in court.
For the first time, we lost patience with the police and their ceaseless interest in our personal lives. We refused to repeat the abuses and forms of harassment we had suffered, until the case reached court. The calls stopped shortly after this, but there was no indication that the investigation was on, or that this man would ever be caught. The police claimed he was untraceable.
Sensitivity—What is that?
We wrote about our harassment, and the subsequent inaction and insensitivity of the police for an e-zine called The Ladies Finger. The story was widely circulated online, and social media pressure caused the UP government and police to act at record speed. They had the accused in judicial custody in two days.
That action could happen so swiftly in one case provokes not only appreciation, but also cynicism. This is not our case alone, it happens to thousands of women in UP every day. The same patriarchal systems of power in which these incidents occur are quick to claim credit for their commitment to security and protection of women from violence. Will the action taken in this case mean that women complainants of harassment or violence can expect similar “sensitivity” in the future?
Our cynicism comes from long years of fighting and engaging with a deeply embedded resistance to seeing women in the public domain. As women reporters in rural UP, our class, caste and gender identities accompany us into every village, police station and government department. The harassment we face on a daily basis, and which caught public attention in this case, is in great part due to the lack of recognition and respect for reporters inhabiting these identities. It is easier, no doubt, to crack one case, than to combat the widely-held notion that we are women first and always will be, before we can be seen and engaged with as reporters.
News monitored by AMRESH & AJEET